U.S. stance towards the Arab revolutions is dominated by an emphasis on stability and managed transition, rather than an outright commitment to swift transformation.
What is often overlooked in discussions of free speech is that American conceptions of the First Amendment are informed by a long-standing liberal principle of a free marketplace of ideas.
The materialist methodology of Marxism is not strange to Muslim thinkers. In fact, the theology of Islam requires Muslims to be aware of material forces that inform belief.
Reducing the social and economic needs of Muslims to a problem of “radicalization” is one of the most persistent and insulting ideas in counter-extremist discourse.
A new Showtime documentary depicts Anwar al-Awlaki as an orator and propagandist of mythical stature, one who continues to influence impressionable minds from the grave.
Donald Trump has come up against actors that have accrued powerful institutional legitimacy within the postwar bourgeois-democratic framework, and forces that are deeply embedded into the very reproduction of the capitalist state itself.
Being anti-war requires us to acknowledge that it was the Assad regime that first declared war on the Syrian people.
A discredited radicalization thesis has reemerged after the attack on Parliament to interpret the attack as motivated by a hatred for our liberal values.
Minnesota’s Young Muslim Collective provides an inspiring example for building community power and challenging anti-Blackness and Islamophobia.
After six years of heroic resistance, the Homsi neighborhood of al-Waer has finally fallen to the Assad regime and its Russian and Iranian backers.
A reactionary leadership is firmly in control of anti-war coalitions in the U.S. while the principled revolutionary left has thus far limited its efforts to propaganda.
The media’s fascination with terrorism experts’ unrelenting criticism of Trump advisor Sebastian Gorka only obscures how much they have in common with him.
When it comes to war and violence in the Middle East, Islam is the overriding explanation for far too many liberals.
Britain’s political and media establishment has long been promoting old-fangled and patronizing ideas blaming Muslims for not integrating.
Donald Trump’s Muslim Ban is Islamophobic. Our resistance to it shouldn’t be.
The Kurds are arguably the most politically and religiously diverse ethnic group in the Middle East, despite media attempts to portray them as uniform.
Legally constructed walls try to naturalize the socially constructed and racist links between migration and criminality.
Trump’s election victory has obliterated the thin veneer of melting pot America, revealing the country’s racist core.
The US wants to engage the Taliban in peace talks. It also keeps killing its leader.
Large sections of liberals have refused to see class and resorted to explaining election outcomes as simply the result of an inherent white supremacy.
There is no doubt that Power’s words at the UN were necessary and long overdue but perhaps Yemenis found them to be a bit hypocritical.
UK government claims public disclosure of its counter-terror study would prevent it from getting “the best value” for its money.
In the UK and Australia, hegemonic racialization of immigrant minorities has, at critical times, entailed their criminalization.
In the Muslim paranoia narrative, resentment towards Western society is said to be motivated to some degree by a paranoid and conspiracy-riven worldview.
Donald Trump may channel an undercurrent of nativism to fuse government and private industry into a much more stringent alliance.